Thursday, August 7, 2014

Obama's Monsters ball with African butchers and Parable of the Parrot by Marvin X


Obama's monsters ball: 

How the White House 

opened its doors to 

some of Africa's most 

evil dictators and homophobes 

and turned blind eye to their human rights 

record


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  • Leaders were invited to the White House for the first ever US Africa summit
  • Included were dictators and despots with shocking human rights records
  • Obama's speech barely acknowledged the oppression rife across Africa
By Corey Charlton and Ted Thornhill
Published: 13:42 EST, 6 August 2014 | Updated: 14:16 EST, 6 August 2014
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President Barack Obama drew the diplomatic line somewhere at the first ever U.S-Africa summit at the White House this week by not inviting Zimbabwe’s brutal dictator Robert Mugabe.
But the guest list still included several other African leaders with only slightly better human rights records.
The White House promoted the summit as the largest-ever gathering of African leaders in the United States, with more than 50 countries represented.
The red carpet was rolled out for Equatorial Guinea's Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who shot or jailed virtually all his political opponents, Gambia’s Yahya Jammeh, who threatened to ‘cut off the head’ of any homosexuals in the country and for Cameroon’s Paul Biya, who has the dubious honor of ranking 19th on author David Wallechinsky's 2006 list of the world's 20 worst living dictators.
The President's opening speech avoided the prickly issues of homophobia and torture and instead sought out similarities between the two continents.
He opened with: ‘I stand before you as the president of the United States, a proud American. I also stand before you as the son of a man from Africa’.
Before going on to say: ‘Our faith traditions remind us of the inherent dignity of every human being and that our work as nations must be rooted in empathy and compassion for each other, as brothers and as sisters.’
Here we run the rule over nine of the most controversial leaders who enjoyed the lavish affair.
Equatorial Guinea president Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo and his wife Constancia Mangue De Obiang, pictured arriving for a dinner hosted by President Barack Obama for the U.S. Africa Leaders Summit
Equatorial Guinea president Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo and his wife Constancia Mangue De Obiang, pictured arriving for a dinner hosted by President Barack Obama for the U.S. Africa Leaders Summit
Pictured outside the White House waving and grinning with his wife President Obiang of Equatorial Guinea is Africa’s longest serving dictator after seizing power from his uncle and mentor (who used to hang regime critics from the capital’s street lights) in 1979.
Since then he has won the yearly elections with 99% of the vote. Taking the lead from his uncle, he has since had shot or jailed virtually all political opponents and ruled the country with an iron fist. Despite running one of sub-Saharas biggest oil-producing countries and amassing a personal wealth in excess of an estimated $600million, he’s far from generous with his riches.
The average income of his citizens is $2 a day, few live beyond 53 and 20 per cent of children die before they reach five years of age. Last year the country ranked 163 out of 177 on Transparency International. There is no freedom of the press, the country’s one television station is government-run and clean water is scarce. In 2011, the United States' Department of Justice made moves to seize more than $70 million in assets from President Obiang's son, Teodorin Nguema Obiang Mangue.
Justice Department lawyers alleged Nguema, on top of his official government salary of $100,000, used his position to amass more than $100 million through corruption and money laundering, including a $30 million dollar mansion in Malibu, California, a $38.5 million Gulfstream jet and one of the world’s finest Michael Jackson memorabilia collections including  the red and black 'Thriller jacket' and Jackson’s crystal-studded 'Bad Tour' glove worth more than $2m. He was also the focus of a corruption investigation in France who seized his 101-room Paris mansion, a collection of cars and other luxury assets. He has repeatedly denied the allegations.
President Blaise Compaore (With First Lady Chantal Compaore) of Burkina Faso seized power in a bloody coup
President Blaise Compaore (With First Lady Chantal Compaore) of Burkina Faso seized power in a bloody coup
Burkina Faso's Blaise Compaore is another African leader who seized power by bloody coup. The Burkina Faso president’s 1987 uprising left his predecessor Thomas Sankara dead – who himself had taken power four years earlier alongside Compaore. In 2011 he watched as protests gave way to calls for his resignation over claims of police brutality and government corruption. However, his presidential guard eventually squashed a mutiny, then made concessions to appease the remaining protestors - but questions remain over corruption among the ruling elite.
Cameroon president Paul Biya (with his wife Chantal Vigouroux) pictured at the President Obama's summit yesterday
Cameroon president Paul Biya (with his wife Chantal Vigouroux) pictured at the President Obama's summit yesterday
Paul Biya has the dubious honour of ranking nineteenth on author David Wallechinsky's 2006 list of the world's 20 worst living dictators. The Cameroon's grip on his country's presidency has remained tight since he came to power in 1983 and there have been widespread allegations of fraud and voting consistencies in every election cycle. In fact, Mr Wallechinsky claims in the Huffington Post Biya is credited with the innovative election fraud tactic of paying for a set of international observers to certify his elections as legitimate.
Angolan president Jose Eduardo dos Santos (in Japan) Human rights groups claim his government has murdered many
Angolan president Jose Eduardo dos Santos (in Japan) Human rights groups claim his government has murdered many
Human rights groups claim Angolan president Jose Eduardo do Santos has murdered many and exploited the country's resources to his own gain. After Mariah Carey was paid $1million for performing for him last year, Human .Rights Foundation president Thor Halvorssen said: 'It is the sad spectacle of an international artist purchased by a ruthless police state to entertain and whitewash the father-daughter kleptocracy that has amassed billions in ill-gotten wealth while the majority of Angola lives on less than $2 a day'
President of Gambia Yahya Jammeh (with his wife, First Lady Zineb Jammeh) attended the dinner at the White House
President of Gambia Yahya Jammeh (with his wife, First Lady Zineb Jammeh) attended the dinner at the White House
Gambian president Yahya Jammeh took power in a military coup in 1994. Although the coup itself was bloodless, in the 20 years since he has been accused of countless breaches of human rights. In 2008, he threatened to 'cut off the head' of any homosexuals in the country. The following year, it was reported up to 1,000 Gambians had been abducted by the government on charges of witchcraft - they were taken to prisons and forced to drink poison.

'I STAND BEFORE YOU AS THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES AND A PROUD AMERICAN. I ALSO STAND BEFORE YOU AS THE SON OF A MAN FROM AFRICA: PRESIDENT OBAMA’S SPEECH

President Obama toasts his guests during the dinner held on the White House South Lawn
President Obama toasts his guests during the dinner held on the White House South Lawn
Good morning, everyone. Michelle and I were honored to host you and your wonderful spouses at dinner last night. I hope people didn’t stay out too late. The evening was a chance to celebrate the bonds between our peoples. And this morning, we continue our work, and it’s my privilege to welcome you to this first-ever U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit.
So we come together this week because, even as the continent faces significant challenges, as I said last night, I believe a new Africa is emerging.
To my fellow leaders, I want to thank you and your teams for helping us to shape our agenda today. Our work can build on the valuable contributions already made this week by civil society groups, the private sector, young Africans, and -- at our first session of this summit - our faith communities, which do so much to sustain the U.S.- Africa relationship. Different though they may be, our faith traditions remind us of the inherent dignity of every human being and that our work as nations must be rooted in empathy and compassion for each other, as brothers and as sisters.
Today is an opportunity to focus on three broad areas where we can make progress together.
Number one, we have the opportunity to expand trade that creates jobs. The new trade deals and investments I announced yesterday are an important step. And today we can focus on what we can do, as governments, to accelerate that investment -- economic and regulatory reforms, regional integration, and development so that growth is broad-based, especially among women, who must be empowered for economies to truly flourish.
Second, we have the opportunity to strengthen the governance upon which economic growth and free societies depend.  Today we can focus on the ingredients of progress:  rule of law, open government, accountable and transparent institutions, strong civil societies, and respect for the universal human rights of all people.
And finally, we have the opportunity to deepen our security cooperation against common threats.  As I said, African security forces and African peacekeepers are in the lead across the continent.  As your partner, the United States is proud to support these efforts.  And today, we can focus on how we can continue to strengthen Africa’s capacity to meet transitional threats -- transnational threats, and in so doing make all of our nations more secure.

Rwanda president Paul Kagame's rule over his country has been notable for its restrictions on the press - (seen here at the White House on Tuesday with his daughter, Ange Ingabire Kagame)
Rwanda president Paul Kagame's rule over his country has been notable for its restrictions on the press - (seen here at the White House on Tuesday with his daughter, Ange Ingabire Kagame)
When he came to power in 2000, Rwanda's president Paul Kagawe inherited a nation still raw from the brutal genocide of 1994 which claimed up to one million lives. But during his heavy-handed time in power, the country's ranks for press freedom have plummeted and a suspicious number of public and political opponents have been harassed or have died in increasingly suspicious circumstances.
Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan casting a vote in his country's 2011 elections
Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan casting a vote in his country's 2011 elections
Goodluck Jonathan, president of Nigeria, signed harsh anti-gay laws this year. They criminalise gay relationships, being involved in gay societies and organizations and gay marriages. Violation of this law can result in up to 14 years in prison, with dozens of homosexuals already jailed. Jonathan also sparked major controversy over his decision in 2012 to end fuel subsidies. He is also accused of pardoning corrupt politicians.
Kenya's president Uhuru Kenyatta is embroiled in controversy over electoral violence
Alpha Conde - another leader with a dubious governance record - pictured arriving at the event held at the White House
Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta is embroiled in major controversy over electoral violence. He has pleaded innocent to murder and other charges for an alleged role in organizing violence that left more than 1,000 people dead after Kenya's 2007 elections. The case is before an international criminal court, and Obama pointedly skipped visiting Kenya when he toured Africa with his family last summer.
Guinea president Alpha Conde came to power in December 2010 and while known for his brainpower and charm – has also been criticised for being impetuous and authoritarian.This assessment comes not just from his political opponents, but from his allies, too, according to the BBC. Opposition figures accused him of rigging the vote in the December 2011 parliamentary elections. However, after agreeing to delay the vote until 2013, Conde’s Rally of the Guinean People won, with the Supreme Court stamping its approval on proceedings.
And look who else was there...
Former U.S. President George W. Bush pictured joking with one of the spouses of the African leaders at a symposium organised by Michelle Obama
Former U.S. President George W. Bush pictured joking with one of the spouses of the African leaders at a symposium organised by Michelle Obama
Smile! President Barack Obama and African leaders pose during the family photo session at the U.S. Africa Leaders Summit, on Wednesday, Auhust 6, 2014, at the State Department in Washington
Smile! President Barack Obama and African leaders pose during the family photo session at the U.S. Africa Leaders Summit, on Wednesday, Auhust 6, 2014, at the State Department in Washington
Good job: US President Barack Obama((L)) appauds with African leaders during a group photo at the US - Africa Leaders Summit at the US State Department in Washington DC
Good job: US President Barack Obama((L)) appauds with African leaders during a group photo at the US - Africa Leaders Summit at the US State Department in Washington DC
Finger wagging: President Barack Obama,  front row third from left, points his finger upwards as he arrives for the official family photo at the US African Leaders Summit at the State Department in Washington
Finger wagging: President Barack Obama, front row third from left, points his finger upwards as he arrives for the official family photo at the US African Leaders Summit at the State Department in Washington

Parable of the Parrot by Marvin X


Parable of the Parrot

for Ngugi Wa Thiong'o and the Pan African Revolution



The king wanted parrots around him. He wants all his ministers to wear parrot masks. 
He said he had to do the same for the previous king. He only said what the king wanted 
to hear, nothing more, so he advised his ministers to do the same. In fact, they must 
encourage the people to become parrots.


Yes, he wanted a nation of parrots. Don't say anything the kings does not want to hear. 
Everything said should be music to his ears. And don't worry, he will tell you exactly 
what he wants to hear in his regular meetings and public addresses to the nation. 
Everyone will be kept informed what parrot song to sing. No one must be allowed 
to disagree with the king. This would be sacrilegious and punishable by death.


The king must be allowed to carry out the dreams that come to his head. No one else 
should dream, only the king. In this manner, according to the king, the people can 
make real progress. There shall always be ups and downs, but have faith in the king 
and everything will be all right. Now everyone sing the national anthem, the king told the people.


There must be a chorus of parrots, a choir, mass choir singing in perfect unity. Let there be 
parrots on every corner of the kingdom, in every branch and tree. Let all the boys sing like 
parrots in the beer halls. Let the preacher lead the congregation in parrot songs. Let the 
teachers train students to sound like parrots. Let the university professors give good grades 
to those who best imitate parrot sounds. Let the journalists allow no stories over the airwaves 
and in print if they do not have the parrot sound.


The king was happy when the entire nation put on their parrot masks. Those who refused 
suffered greatly until they agreed to join in. The state academics and intellectuals joined 
loudly in parroting the king's every wish. Thank God the masses do not hear them 
pontificate or read their books. After all, these intellectual and academic parrots are 
well paid, tenured and eat much parrot seed.


Their magic song impresses the bourgeoisie who have a vested interest in keeping 
the song of the parrot alive. Deep down in the hood, in the bush, the parrot song is
 seldom heard, only the sound of the hawk gliding through the air in stone silence 
looking for a parrot to eat.


--Marvin X 4/5/10
from The Wisdom of Plato Negro, parables and fables by Marvin X, Black Bird Press, Oakland CA


Thomas Paine's Common Sense

The only thing about common sense is that it is not too common these days.--Dr. Julia Hare, The Black Think Tank, San Francisco


Common Sense (pamphlet)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Common Sense
Commonsense.jpg
Pamphlet's original cover
AuthorThomas Paine
CountryUnited States
LanguageEnglish
PublishedJanuary 10, 1776
Pages48
Common Sense[1] is a pamphlet written by Thomas Paine in 1775–76 that inspired people in the Thirteen Colonies to declare and fight for independence from Great Britain in the summer of 1776. In clear, simple language it explained the advantages of and the need for immediate independence. It was published anonymously on January 10, 1776, at the beginning of the American Revolution and became an immediate sensation. It was sold and distributed widely and read aloud at taverns and meeting places. Washington had it read to all his troops, which at the time had surrounded the British army in Boston. In proportion to the population of the colonies at that time (2.5 million), it had the largest sale and circulation of any book published in American history.[2]
Common Sense presented the American colonists with an argument for freedom from British rule at a time when the question of whether or not to seek independence was the central issue of the day. Paine wrote and reasoned in a style that common people understood. Forgoing the philosophical and Latin references used by Enlightenment erawriters, he structured Common Sense as if it were a sermon, and relied on Biblical references to make his case to the people.[3] He connected independence with common dissenting Protestant beliefs as a means to present a distinctly American political identity.[4] Historian Gordon S. Wood described Common Sense as "the most incendiary and popular pamphlet of the entire revolutionary era".[5]

Publication history

Thomas Paine began writing Common Sense in late 1775 under the working title of Plain Truth. With Benjamin Rush, who helped him edit and publish it and suggested changing the title, Paine developed his ideas into a forty-eight page pamphlet. He published Common Sense anonymously because of its treasonable content. Rush recommended the printer Robert Bell and promised Paine that, where other printers might say no because of the content of the pamphlet, Bell would not hesitate nor delay its printing. Paine and Bell had a falling out, but Bell still felt strongly about printing a second edition. Bell added the phrase "Written by an Englishman" to his second edition without Paine's permission.[6] Paine had stressed that it was "the Doctrine, not the man" that was important. Paine wanted to remain anonymous for as long as possible and felt that even such a general phrase as Bell's addition would take attention away from the ideas in his pamphlet.[6]
That didn't seem to matter, though, because printed by Bell, Common Sense sold almost 100,000 copies in 1776,[7] and according to Paine, 120,000 copies were sold in the first three months. One biographer estimates that 500,000 copies sold in the first year (in both America and Europe – predominantly France and Britain), and another writes that Paine's pamphlet went through twenty-five published editions in the first year alone.[5][8] Aside from the printed pamphlet itself, there were many handwritten summaries and whole copies circulated. At least one newspaper, the Connecticutt Courant, printed the entire pamphlet in its February 19, 1776, issue and there may have been others that did the same.[9] While it is difficult to achieve a fixed figure for the number of circulated copies, what is certain is that Paine's words reached far and wide out to most of America's 2.5 million colonists. His pamphlet was read at countless town meetings and gatherings even to those who could not read.
Paine managed to carefully maintain his anonymity, even during potent newspaper polemics generated by Robert Bell, for nearly three months. His name did not become officially connected with the independence controversy until March 30, 1776.[10] He donated his royalties from Common Sense to George Washington'sContinental Army, saying:
As my wish was to serve an oppressed people, and assist in a just and good cause, I conceived that the honor of it would be promoted by my declining to make even the usual profits of an author.[11]
—Thomas Paine
As the controversy with Bell, which only served to fuel the pamphlet's sale and distribution, wore on, Paine publicly repudiated his copyright to give all colonial printers the legal right to issue their own edition.[11]

Sections

Four sections are noted on the title page, which quotes James Thomson's poem, "Liberty" (1735–36):
Man knows no master save creating Heaven,
Or those whom choice and common good ordain.
—James Thomson, "Liberty"

I. Of the Origin and Design of Government in general, with concise Remarks on the English Constitution

Paine begins this section by making a distinction between society and government, and then goes on to consider the relationship between government and society in a state of "natural liberty". He next tells a story of a few isolated people living in nature without government, and explains that the people find it easier to live together rather than apart; thus, they create a society. As the society grows, problems arise, and the people meet to make regulations in order to mitigate the problems. As the society continues to grow, a government becomes necessary to enforce these regulations, which over time, turn into laws. Soon, there are so many people within the society that they cannot all gather in one place to make the laws, so they begin holding elections. This, Paine argues, is the best balance between government and society. Having created this model of what the balance should be, Paine goes on to consider the Constitution of the United Kingdom.
Paine finds two tyrannies in the English constitution; monarchical and aristocratic tyranny, in the king and peers, who rule by heredity and contribute nothing to the people. Paine goes on to criticize the English constitution by examining the relationship between the king, the peers, and the commons.

II. Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession

In the second section Paine considers monarchy first from a biblical perspective, then from a historical perspective. He begins by arguing that all men are equal at creation and, therefore, the distinction between kings and subjects is a false one. Several Bible verses are posed to support this claim. Paine then examines some of the problems that kings and monarchies have caused in the past and concludes:
In England a king hath little more to do than to make war and give away places; which in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and set it together by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be allowed eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped into the bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society and in the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived.
—Thomas Paine[12]
In this section, Paine also attacks one type of "mixed state" – the constitutional monarchy promoted by John Locke in which the powers of government are separated between a Parliament or Congress that makes the laws, and a monarch who executes them. The constitutional monarchy, according to Locke, would limit the powers of the king sufficiently to ensure that the realm would remain lawful rather than easily becoming tyrannical. According to Paine, however, such limits are insufficient. In the mixed state, power will tend to concentrate into the hands of the monarch, permitting him eventually to transcend any limitations placed upon him. Paine questions why the supporters of the mixed state, since they concede that the power of the monarch is dangerous, wish to include a monarch in their scheme of government in the first place.

III. Thoughts on the Present State of American Affairs

Constitution of the United States as proposed by Thomas Paine in Common Sense
In the third section Paine examines the hostilities between England and the American colonies and argues that the best course of action is independence. Paine proposes a Continental Charter (or Charter of the United Colonies) that would be an American Magna Carta. Paine writes that a Continental Charter "should come from some intermediate body between the Congress and the people" and outlines a Continental Conference that could draft a Continental Charter.[13] Each colony would hold elections for five representatives. These five would be accompanied by two members of the assembly of colonies, for a total of seven representatives from each colony in the Continental Conference. The Continental Conference would then meet and draft a Continental Charter that would secure “freedom and property to all men, and… the free exercise of religion.”[13] The Continental Charter would also outline a new national government, which Paine thought would take the form of a Congress.
Thomas Paine suggested that a congress may be created in the following way: each colony should be divided in districts; each district would "send a proper number of delegates to Congress".[13] Paine thought that each colony should send at least 30 delegates to Congress, and that the total number of delegates in Congress should be at least 390. The Congress would meet annually, and elect a president. Each colony would be put into a lottery; the president would be elected, by the whole congress, from the delegation of the colony that was selected in the lottery. After a colony was selected, it would be removed from subsequent lotteries until all of the colonies had been selected, at which point the lottery would start anew. Electing a president or passing a law would require three-fifths of the congress.

IV. On the Present Ability of America, with some Miscellaneous Reflections

The fourth section of the pamphlet includes Paine's optimistic view of America's military potential at the time of the revolution. For example, he spends pages describing how colonial shipyards, by using the large amounts of lumber available in the country, could quickly create a navy that could rival the Royal Navy.

Paine's arguments against British rule

  • It was absurd for an island to rule a continent.
  • America was not a "British nation"; but was composed of influences and peoples from all of Europe.
  • Even if Britain were the "mother country" of America, that made her actions all the more horrendous, for no mother would harm her children so brutally.
  • Being a part of Britain would drag America into unnecessary European wars, and keep her from the international commerce at which America excelled.
  • The distance between the two nations made governing the colonies from England unwieldy. If some wrong were to be petitioned to Parliament, it would take a year before the colonies received a response.
  • The New World was discovered shortly before the Reformation. The Puritans believed that God wanted to give them a safe haven from the persecution of British rule.
  • Britain ruled the colonies for her own benefit, and did not consider the best interests of the colonists in governing Britain.

Impact

There were at least two reasons why Paine's brief pamphlet is believed to be "the most incendiary and popular pamphlet of the entire revolutionary era".[5] First, while the average colonist was more educated than their European counterpart, European and colonial elites agreed that common people had no place in government or political debates. Common Sense targeted a popular audience and was written in a straightforward and simple way, so Paine's political ideas were made tangible and available to a common audience. This brought average colonists into political debate, which created a whole new political language.[14] Illiterate colonists could hear Common Sense read at public gatherings; thusly, even the uneducated colonist was brought into this new political world. Paine's fresh style of political writing avoided use of complex Latin phrases and instead opted for a more direct, concise style that helped make the information accessible to all. Thus, Paine's "incendiary" words were heard even by those common folk who had never learned to read. The second reason involves the way the vast majority of colonists felt about the idea of independence from British rule. Before Common Sense was published, except for a few radical thinkers the people of the American colonies were "on the fence" about independence. Individuals were in conflict with themselves, and there were those who leaned toward reconciliation with the British crown. George Trevelyan in his History of the American Revolution had this to say about Paine's pamphlet:
It would be difficult to name any human composition which has had an effect at once so instant, so extended and so lasting [...] It was pirated, parodied and imitated, and translated into the language of every country where the new republic had well-wishers. It worked nothing short of miracles and turnedTories into Whigs.[7]
There were those in high places who, while in agreement with Paine's sentiments, voiced criticism of his method. John Adams, who would succeed George Washington to become the new nation's second president, in his Thoughts on Government wrote that Paine's ideal sketched in Common Sense was "so democratical, without any restraint or even an attempt at any equilibrium or counter poise, that it must produce confusion and every evil work".[15] In spite of Adams' formidable influence most people praised Paine's brief booklet. The editors of The Thomas Paine ReaderMichael Foot and Isaac Kramnick, in their introduction toCommon Sense wrote:
Published anonymously, Common Sense appeared on Philadelphia streets in January 1776. It was an instant success, and copies of the pamphlet were soon available in all the thirteen colonies. Paine's was an unequivocal call for independence, and many Americans wavering between reconciliation with and independence from Britain were won over to separation by Paine's powerful polemic against monarchy, in general, and theBritish [monarchy], in particular.[16]
The impact of Common Sense was to influence American colonists, both educated and uneducated, to come down from their fences and embrace independence from the British monarchy.[7]

See also

Notes

  1. Jump up^ Full title – Common Sense; Addressed to the Inhabitants of America, on the Following Interesting Subjects.
  2. Jump up^ Conway (1893).
  3. Jump up^ Wood (2002), pp. 55-56.
  4. Jump up^ Anthony J. Di Lorenzo, "Dissenting Protestantism as a Language of Revolution in Thomas Paine's Common Sense" in Eighteenth-Century Thought, Vol. 4, 2009. ISSN 1545-0449.
  5. Jump up to:a b c Wood (2002), p. 55.
  6. Jump up to:a b Aldridge (1984), p. 42.
  7. Jump up to:a b c Foot, Kramnick (1987). p 10.
  8. Jump up^ Isaac Kramnick, "Introduction," in Thomas Paine, Common Sense (New York: Penguin, 1986), 8
  9. Jump up^ Aldridge (1984), p. 45.
  10. Jump up^ Aldridge (1984), p. 43.
  11. Jump up to:a b Craig Nelson, Thomas Paine: Enlightenment, Revolution, and the Birth of Modern Nations (New York: Penguin, 2007), 90.
  12. Jump up^ Paine, Common Sense, excerpted from The Thomas Paine Reader, p. 79
  13. Jump up to:a b c Paine, Common Sense, 96-97.
  14. Jump up^ Eric Foner, Tom Paine and Revolutionary America (1976)
  15. Jump up^ Foot, Kramnick (1987). p 11.
  16. Jump up^ Foot, Kramnick (1987). p 65.

References

External links